Between East Timor and Addis Ababa
The issue of the families of East Timaa is no longer just a matter of 509 prisoners facing eviction alone; over the past few days, it has evolved into a matter of public concern. Voices from writers, lawyers, public figures, and social media users have risen, calling for caution and for the search for a solution that preserves the stability of these families.
This is precisely what we hoped for since we began writing about the “Who Sold His House” case—not to champion a particular viewpoint or to seek conflict with the government, but because behind every door lies a Kuwaiti family, with fathers, mothers, children, and grandchildren, including elderly members, who believed their search for housing had ended.
I was pleased by what my colleague Mohammed Al-Baghl wrote about the social impact of the case, and by the fundamental questions raised by respected colleagues Saleh Al-Mulla, Mohammed Al-Mutairi, Essam Al-Muthanna, former MP and lawyer Abdullah Al-Kandari, and the distinguished lawyer Kawthar Al-Jouman, among others. Broadening the scope of discussion helps convey the full picture to decision-makers and may reveal aspects not apparent in documents and administrative reports.
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Beyond emotion, there is a legal question that should not be overlooked: These families did not seize the homes in East Timaa; rather, they settled there under a state-approved system, rental agreements, or usufruct contracts signed with the Public Authority for Housing Welfare, paying rent and organizing their lives and financial commitments based on an existing legal status.
Here arises the issue of Legislative Decree No. 83 of 2025, which repealed Article 29 bis. If the repeal ended the basis for granting new care to this category in the future, does its effect automatically extend to legal positions that were established and completed, and contracts signed under the previous law?
The general principle is that new legislation applies from the date of its enforcement. Applying it to prior situations requires a legal basis. Therefore, the matter—at the very least—deserves serious legal study, especially since Article 8 of the Constitution obligates the state to safeguard the pillars of society, ensure security and peace of mind, and guarantee equal opportunities. Article 9 stipulates that the family is the foundation of society, and that the law protects its integrity and strengthens its bonds.
A solution must balance the application of the law with the protection of family stability. Therefore, we reiterate: temporarily halt evictions, form an independent legal committee to review contracts and legal positions, and open the door to ownership for those who wish, according to a mechanism that preserves the state’s rights. If the houses are to remain for rent, their current residents have priority over being evicted and having the properties rented to others.
The growing circle of sympathizers today is not pressure on the government, but an opportunity to correct the course before September 1, and to emerge with a solution that will be credited to the government, not against it.
From East Timaa to Addis Ababa, we turn to an issue that differs in details but shares a common core: the human need for peace of mind, respect for rights, and the feeling that the law protects one’s stability.
Approximately 4,000 Muslims gathered in the Ethiopian capital to discuss their situation, including demands for respect for their right to Friday as a day of rest, and for Muslim women and girls to be allowed to wear the hijab and niqab in universities and educational institutions. This is particularly relevant given that the Ethiopian Constitution guarantees freedom of religion, its practice, and its manifestation, and stipulates the separation of state and religion, with no official state religion.
In January 2025, 44 Muslim female students at Debre Tabor University were barred from entering the campus due to the niqab, before an agreement was reached allowing them to return to their studies. Protests regarding the hijab also occurred in some schools in Axum. The Ethiopian Supreme Council for Islamic Affairs raised the issue with educational authorities. Furthermore, Friday is not a general weekly holiday, and it is legitimate for Muslims there to demand respect for their weekly day of worship.
Here, the role of Arab and Muslim governments, institutions, and business leaders comes into play—not by intervening in Ethiopia’s internal affairs, but by making positive investments in education and the economy. This involves establishing universities, colleges, institutes, schools, and financing institutions that serve all Ethiopians while respecting their religious particularities.
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We have a model worth studying: “Zamzam Bank” launched in 2021 as Ethiopia’s first fully integrated bank, operating interest-free in accordance with Sharia principles, with broad participation from approximately 11,200 shareholders at its inception. Why, then, should this experience not be replicated in education through Ethiopian, Arab, and Islamic joint investments that provide quality education and an environment that respects religious rights?
Protecting human dignity begins at home, but it does not end at the doorstep; housing, education, freedom of worship, and stability are rights that forge safer and more just societies.
