What the Alternative for Germany Party Wants... and What Its Rise Means for Berlin and Europe?

The Alternative for Germany (AfD) party has achieved a historic electoral breakthrough that transcends mere regional protest voting. It represents the emergence of a political project seeking to alter the course of post-war Germany: moving away from European integration and the Atlantic alliance, and toward national sovereignty, cultural conservatism, restrictive immigration policies, and renewed relations with Russia.
The party’s positions on Ukraine, Europe, immigration, energy, and social policy are linked by a single central principle: the necessity of restoring to the German nation-state the powers transferred to the European Union and other international institutions.
The populist party rejects the label of far-right, presenting itself instead as a conservative nationalist party. While some of its regional branches have been classified as far-right, the party’s legal status at the federal level remains a subject of debate.
Academic studies generally classify the Alternative for Germany within the populist far-right, rather than regarding it merely as conservative or explicitly anti-democratic.
Political scientists distinguish between the far-right, which participates in elections but questions aspects of liberal democracy, including pluralism and minority protections, and the far-right that rejects democracy itself.
The party is classified as far-right because it combines extreme nationalism, authoritarianism, and populism: it prioritizes the original national community, calls for “reverse migration” and a stricter social order, and frames politics as a struggle between the “real people” and a corrupt ruling elite.
Officially, the party distinguishes between integrated Muslims and “political Islam,” yet it seeks to prevent what it describes as the “continuous expansion of Islam” in Germany.
The party’s program calls for banning the funding of mosques by foreign countries, requiring imams to speak German and acknowledge the constitutional order, closing Islamic studies departments at universities, and banning organizations classified as Islamist. It also supports restrictions on the full-face veil (niqab), forced marriage, and religious exemptions in schools.
These proposals are part of a broader effort to preserve what the party describes as “Christian German-European civilization.” In this context, integration requires more than mere legal compliance; it demands cultural adaptation to the prevailing German identity.
The Alternative for Germany officially condemned the Russian invasion of Ukraine in February 2022. Since then, it has opposed key elements of Germany’s policy toward the war.
The party views Ukraine as a neutral state outside both NATO and the European Union. It opposes any further eastern expansion by either organization and calls for negotiations that take into account Russia’s stated security interests. Its parliamentary group has also called for the gradual lifting of sanctions to encourage negotiations, their complete abolition after an agreement is reached, and the release of frozen Russian assets.
The party presents this stance as realistic: Germany should not sacrifice its economy in the face of claims by the United States that it benefits from the conflict. However, the practical outcome would be to weaken Kyiv’s negotiating position, undermine the European sanctions regime, and restore Moscow’s status as an acceptable economic and security partner prior to Russia’s necessary withdrawal from occupied Ukrainian territories.
The Alternative for Germany (AfD) party does not oppose cooperation among European countries; rather, it opposes the European Union as an increasingly complex supranational political structure. It proposes replacing the EU with a more flexible “European Union.” Under this model, sovereign states would cooperate where their interests align, particularly in areas such as trade, external borders, and security, with most powers returning from Brussels to national governments.
The party rejects a common European currency, further political integration, and what it considers excessive regulation by the Union. It advocates for Germany’s exit from the eurozone and possibly the reintroduction of the Deutsche Mark. While it wishes to maintain the European Single Market, it would dismantle much of the political and institutional framework built around it.
On security issues, the party adopts a stance that appears contradictory. It currently supports remaining in NATO while ultimately calling for the creation of an independent European military structure. It wants Europe to become an independent power center in a multipolar world, less dependent on the United States.
However, weakening the EU’s common institutions could reduce Europe’s capacity for collective action. Thus, the AfD’s model does not represent a stronger, unified Europe, but rather resembles an alliance of sovereign states, each pursuing its national interests and cooperating selectively.
If Germany, the EU’s largest economy and most influential member, were to adopt this approach, it could hinder or reverse European integration. Moreover, this model could bolster nationalist parties elsewhere, demonstrating the far-right’s ability to transition from opposition to power without abandoning its core objectives.
Immigration remains the party’s most prominent domestic issue. It demands permanent border controls, the refusal to accept irregular migrants at Germany’s borders, and the return of asylum authority from the EU to national governments.
The party proposes accelerating the deportation of rejected asylum seekers, foreign criminals, and individuals deemed security threats. Refugees would be expected to return when conditions justifying their protection are deemed to have ceased. Eligibility for foreigners to receive social welfare benefits would be restricted, while Ukrainian refugees would be moved from the more generous *Bürgergeld* system to the asylum seeker benefits scheme.
The AfD categorizes these measures under the term “re-migration.” Its official program defines this concept as the enforcement of deportation orders, encouraging voluntary returns, and removing incentives for those without a right to permanent residence to remain.
Debate continues over the ultimate scope of this concept. While the party’s official program primarily focuses on non-citizens lacking legal residency rights, critics fear that a broader ideological interpretation could target legal residents or naturalized Germans perceived as insufficiently integrated into society.
For the party, immigration is not merely an economic or security issue, but is linked to preserving Germany’s demographic, national, and cultural identity.
Economically, the party combines free-market policies with economic nationalism; it supports tax cuts, reduced regulatory burdens, limited EU intervention, and stricter restrictions on foreigners’ access to social welfare benefits.
The party’s energy policy could turn Germany’s environmental strategy upside down. It seeks to abolish carbon taxes, withdraw from the Paris Climate Agreement, reverse the phase-out of nuclear power, expand coal use, and resume imports of cheap Russian gas. The party also opposes the European Union’s Green Deal and the planned ban on new internal combustion engine vehicles.
It argues that climate policy has harmed German industry without making a significant impact on global temperatures; therefore, its program prioritizes industrial competitiveness and energy security over European climate commitments.
The party promotes the traditional family model of a father, mother, and children. It supports policies aimed at raising Germany’s birth rate, opposes gender mainstreaming policies and self-identified gender legislation for transgender individuals, and seeks to rid schools of what it describes as “ideological indoctrination.”
Furthermore, it calls for national referendums along Swiss lines, reduces public funding for non-governmental organizations and fact-checking institutions, and proposes a radical restructuring of the public broadcasting system. Taken together, these positions reveal a coherent strategic project: Germany is becoming less Atlanticist, less integrated in the European Union, more open to Russia, tougher on migration, and more culturally conservative.
If implemented at the national level, the impact of this program would not be limited to pushing Germany to the right; it could also undermine European consensus on issues such as Ukraine, sanctions, migration, climate policy, and political integration. Thus, Germany—long considered the main engine of the European project—could become the primary force opposing its continuation in its current form.