Israeli Army Considers Deploying International Forces to Gaza for 'Cleaning' Infrastructure... with US Support
The Israeli military is considering a plan to introduce international forces to dismantle infrastructure it describes as “terrorist” in the Gaza Strip, following a model similar to that implemented in southern Lebanon. According to the Hebrew-language website Ynet, this step, to be coordinated with the United States, would begin in areas outside the so-called “Yellow Line,” meaning that, in practice, there would be no genuine withdrawal of Israeli soldiers from specific zones.
About a month ago, the Israeli security cabinet approved a pilot project in Rafah. This constitutes the key difference.
Under the plan currently being formulated, which was proposed by Defense Minister Israel Katz and endorsed by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, and which will be implemented in coordination with the United States as was done in Lebanon, certain areas in the Gaza Strip would be designated for entry by international forces. These forces would begin working to clear the area, establish governance, and prevent the return of Hamas operatives.
As in Lebanon, the approach in Gaza involves selecting areas outside the “Yellow Line,” where the Israeli military is not physically present on the ground but maintains control through surveillance.
Consequently, there would be no actual withdrawal of Israeli soldiers from specific areas; rather, it would serve as a test of the international forces’ ability to clear those areas of infrastructure that Israel classifies as “terrorist.”
Unlike Lebanon, the situation in Gaza is far more complex, as there is currently no agreed-upon governing authority capable of taking charge of civil affairs.
Previously, a model existed primarily addressing the humanitarian aspects related to the population. However, the current model differs fundamentally, focusing mainly on dismantling infrastructure belonging to armed organizations in various parts of the Strip, akin to the activities conducted by the Lebanese army in villages in southern Lebanon.
The cabinet’s decision in July effectively granted a special status to the “Peace Council,” alongside Israeli approval, as previously mentioned, to launch a pilot project aimed at rehabilitating basic services in Gaza, delivering humanitarian aid, and establishing shelters in areas not under Hamas control.
The approved plan included the construction of temporary buildings intended to house Gaza’s residents. According to reports, anyone wishing to reside in these areas would undergo rigorous vetting and screening procedures to ensure they are not affiliated with or linked to Hamas.
This area is scheduled to be the first managed by a Palestinian “technocratic government,” supported by a multinational force.
Sources told the newspaper Haaretz that Israeli security agencies refuse to cooperate with the “Peace Council,” and that there is an attempt to install Trump’s lawyer at the head of negotiations with Netanyahu to orchestrate the 20-point plan: “The current official is not firm.”
Nearly three years after the October 7 attack and the outbreak of war in the Gaza Strip, about a year since the announcement of a ceasefire between Israel and Hamas, and less than two months after elections in Israel and the midterm elections in the United States, the gap between the American vision for the Strip and the realities on the ground has never been more apparent. So too has the rift between the United States and Israel.
An insider familiar with the details told Haaretz that Jared Kushner, brother-in-law of the US president and high commissioner for Gaza at the Peace Council, and Nikolai Mladenov, the UN Special Coordinator for the Middle East Peace Process, are seeking to limit the role of Arieh Lichtstein, who had until now been tasked by the White House with implementing Trump’s 20-point plan on the ground, particularly regarding communications with Benjamin Netanyahu.
The source added: “They have realized that Lichtstein is too soft, not sufficiently firm, and unable to manage negotiations with Israel as they wish.” According to him, former British Prime Minister Tony Blair, another senior official at the Peace Council, also expressed dissatisfaction in recent days with Lichtstein’s grasp of the developments and dynamics on the ground.
The source added: “They are now trying to remove him from the negotiation process and appoint Trump’s lawyer, Josh Halpern, in his place.” Halpern serves as Trump’s personal lawyer and, among other duties, oversees the lawsuit the president filed against journalist E. Jean Carroll, following his conviction for sexual assault against her in the 1990s and defamation during his presidency. At the same time, he serves as legal counsel to the Peace Council. According to several sources, he is a partner in all discussions in Israel and the United States, including the recent meeting between Donald Trump and Netanyahu.
A source within the Peace Council stated that Halpern’s involvement in communications with Israel is linked to “legal issues concerning Israel’s obligations, whether under the signed ceasefire agreement, the 20-point plan it accepted, or a United Nations Security Council resolution. Therefore, Halpern’s participation and presence at meetings are required.”
The source in the Council denied any intention to sideline Lichtstein, noting that “there is no plan to limit or change Lichtstein’s role vis-à-vis Israel or in general.”
Comments from another insider familiar with the details reflect mutual frustration between the Peace Council and the Israeli establishment. According to him, Israeli officials, including those from the National Security Council and the Ministry of Defense, as well as military officers in the Southern Command, are openly refusing to cooperate with the Council.
The source said: “They no longer even pretend. They say: We will not work with you, because you threw us under the wheels.” According to him, Israeli officials told US representatives: “You treated us as a given,” and complained that implementing the agreed-upon roadmap with Hamas would create the impression that the government is “selling out Israel.”
Within the Peace Council, according to the source, there is no doubt that this approach is due to the approaching election date in Israel, and that it receives high-level support, namely from Netanyahu. At the same time, the first source claims that “relations between Trump and Netanyahu are very poor. Very little of the good relations that existed between them remains.”
The deadlock in Gaza is clearly evident in the strange case of the advanced X-ray screening device provided by Germany to Israel and installed at the Erez (Beit Hanoun) crossing. According to a diplomatic source, German representatives provided weekly briefings on the project’s progress over several months at the Coordination and Liaison Administration office in Kfar Gati, in the presence of Israeli and American representatives.
As part of the project, Israel is expected to receive two advanced screening devices—one to be installed at the Erez crossing, which will open for the first time since October 7, and the other at the port of Ashdod. This is intended to prevent the traffic congestion that emerged at the Kerem Shalom crossing and to allow aid to be transferred to Gaza through diverse channels, thereby expanding its scope. Although the timelines have shifted over the months, they were known to all and, of course, agreed upon by the parties involved.
On August 21, Germany’s new ambassador to Israel, Alexander Lamberts, posted a celebratory tweet, sharing images from a modest ceremony at the Erez crossing and writing that the new device installed there “will ensure more aid enters Gaza while maintaining Israel’s security.”
However, about a week later, Netanyahu and Katz issued a joint statement saying, “There are no instructions to open the Erez crossing for goods.” Since then, bewildered international diplomats stationed at the Coordination and Liaison Administration (CLA) in Kriat Gat have been waiting for a resolution to the “Schrödinger’s crossing” puzzle.
Last week, the German representative once again informed them that there was no progress at present. The German Foreign Ministry told Haaretz that it was “in contact with the Israeli government regarding the next steps.”
When asked by a source familiar with the work of the U.S. Peace Council in coordination with the Israeli government to identify the main obstacle preventing progress in the plan, the source said that everything ultimately boiled down to the issue of access—preventing the entry and exit of aid and individuals.
A prominent example at the heart of the deadlock is Israel’s ban on the deployment of the Stabilization Force into Gaza. In late July, before Netanyahu’s trip to Washington to meet with Trump, the Prime Minister’s Office distributed a briefing from an anonymous political source stating that the cabinet had approved the entry of approximately 200 soldiers from Uganda and Morocco.
At the end of August, Netanyahu’s office issued a contradictory statement: “Contrary to reports, the political level did not approve the entry of an international force into the Gaza Strip.” In fact, the office should have begun the statement with the phrase “Contrary to our previous statements.”
Alongside the delays, the Peace Council is striving to push forward what it can. Among other things, it intends to sign an agreement with Kosovo to send troops as part of the Stabilization Force. Nevertheless, everything ultimately depends on the government’s decision, which is expected to be discussed shortly, according to several sources.
