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alqabasWriters & Opinion By د. عبدالمحسن العنجري

Iran in Netanyahu's Strategic Doctrine: From Nuclear Threats to Reshaping the Middle East

Iran in Netanyahu's Strategic Doctrine: From Nuclear Threats to Reshaping the Middle East
Qiyas summary

The author examines Netanyahu's writings to understand the shift from nuclear threats to reordering power balances in the Middle East and its impact on the Gulf.

Translated by Qiyas from القبس — Original source

The Iranian-Israeli confrontation is no longer merely a dispute over the nuclear program or regional influence; it has become part of a broader struggle for the future of the Middle East and its balance of power. The issue transcends direct military calculations to encompass the reshaping of the political, economic, and security environment in a region endowed with vast resources and a geographic position linking Asia, Europe, and Africa. To understand the Israeli perspective, it is necessary to return to Benjamin Netanyahu’s book “A Place Among the Nations: Israel and the World,” published in 1993, which outlines his vision of Israel’s international standing and the requirements of its security and regional relations. His 2022 book, “Bibi: My Story,” provides his personal account of his political career and the evolution of his views on security and strategic challenges. Reading both books together helps illuminate some of the intellectual foundations that have shaped his positions toward Iran and Israel’s neighborhood.

In Netanyahu’s political discourse, Iran has emerged as one of Israel’s most prominent strategic challenges, particularly regarding its nuclear program, ballistic missiles, and regional influence. However, the most critical question is whether the confrontation aims solely at containing these threats, or whether it is also linked to a broader vision of reshaping the balance of power in the Middle East. In this context, the concept of the “New Middle East” stands out as a label for projects and visions where political, security, and economic interests intersect. The region is not merely a battlefield for conflicts; it is a global energy hub and a strategic reserve of oil, gas, and natural resources, in addition to possessing highly significant maritime chokepoints, notably the Strait of Hormuz, the Bab al-Mandab, and the Suez Canal. This geography grants the region direct influence over global trade and energy flows. Moreover, connectivity projects, foremost among them the India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor, reflect the region’s importance in shaping future trade routes. Consequently, competition is no longer confined to military and political influence; it has extended to ports, transport networks, energy sources, maritime resources, and the ability to control the flow of trade between continents.

Amid these transformations, a fundamental Gulf question arises: Why do Iranian threats extend to Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) states, despite their lack of a mutual defense agreement with Israel, their non-involvement in any war against Iran, and their efforts to avoid escalation and prevent the use of their territory and airspace for offensive military operations? A partial understanding of Iran’s stance can be found in its attempt to expand the cost of confrontation for the United States by targeting its interests and military bases in the region. However, this logic does not justify violating the sovereignty of Gulf states or targeting their vital and civilian infrastructure. The presence of U.S. bases on the territory of a Gulf state does not automatically imply its participation in military operations, nor does it negate its right to protection from any aggression. The danger of this equation lies in the fact that targeting energy, water, airport, and port facilities threatens not only Gulf national security but also has repercussions on the global economy, supply security, and international trade chains.

Today, the Middle East stands at a strategic crossroads: either its resources and geographic location will become a foundation for economic integration, development, and stability, or competition over its resources and corridors will lead to the reproduction of conflicts and the expansion of instability.

For Kuwait and the Gulf Cooperation Council states, the current phase demands strengthening defense integration, safeguarding maritime and economic interests, enhancing deterrence and early-warning capabilities, diversifying international partnerships, and preserving political decision-making autonomy and diplomatic engagement. The new Middle East should not be built at the expense of state sovereignty, nor should its resources and waterways be turned into instruments of conflict and influence. The real struggle is not merely about possessing power, but about who has the capacity to shape the region’s future and define its position within the global order. Dr. Abdulmohsen Ahmed Al-Anqari

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